For all his flaws, Hawke was model of good leadership

Bob Hawke relaxes at the Traveloge, Darwin. Picture: Peter Bennett.

When Bob Hawke led Labor to power in 1983, his ambition was to unite and reconcile the nation after years of division and confrontation with the promise of consensus. He wanted to end the policy stagnation and transform Australia’s economic, social, environmental and foreign policy settings for a new age.

Consider the achievements: Medicare, the Sex Discrimination Act, doubling high school completion rates, overhauling universities and targeting welfare to those most in need. The float of the dollar, the Accord to moderate wages, dismantling the tariff wall and the first budget surpluses since the 1950s. Saving the Daintree, Kakadu and the Franklin River.

Hawke played an important role on the world stage as a mediator between East and West, developed close relations with Cold War leaders, strengthened the Australia-US alliance and made “enmeshment” with Asia a priority. His personal diplomacy safeguarded Antarctica from mining, he led the fight against South African apartheid and initiated the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation trade forum.

While this vast policy legacy continues to shape modern Australia and is unmatched by any other government in recent decades, Hawke also set the standard for how a prime minister should lead the nation, their government and party. The model of governing that Hawke established is an underrated aspect of his legacy.

Most of Hawke’s parliamentary colleagues thought he would never be prime minister, let alone a highly disciplined one. As president of the ACTU and a member of the Reserve Bank board, he had a good grounding in administration. But the womanising, drinking (which he gave up in 1980) and emotional outbursts (anger or tears) were not encouraging. His life became a redemption story of its own.

While the government traded on Hawke’s popularity – reaching a 78 per cent approval rating in 1984 – he had to master the machinery of government to be effective. Ministers regarded Hawke as a “chairman of the board” who was a good manager of cabinet and provided strategic direction. Paul Keating, the dynamic treasurer, described himself as “managing director”. They were, for the most part, a great duo.

Liberal leader John Hewson said the Hawke cabinets were the best since Federation. Hawke was not an interventionist. He was consultative and collaborative, and let ministers run their portfolios. He often let debates run and allowed ministers to have a say but would intervene on critical issues. Debates, and those in the party, were often robust. But Hawke kept the government largely united.

Hawke assembled a talented personal staff and welcomed frank and fearless advice from public servants. He had learnt from the mistakes of the Whitlam government in administration and cabinet and party management. He was wise to appoint public servants Graham Evans, Chris Conybeare, Sandy Hollway and Dennis Richardson as his principal private secretaries.

The personal style Hawke brought to the prime ministership was also critical. He was an effective communicator and a powerful persuader. He had a strong work ethic, energy and drive. While luck typically ran his way – such as facing a divided opposition – he also showed courage and took policy and political risks. He won the 1987 and 1990 elections after being behind in the polls.

Australians accepted Hawke’s faults and appreciated his virtues. He had authenticity and credibility. Voters knew he loved them and their country. It helps explain why, for most of his prime ministership (1983-91), he was respected and trusted. He put the nation before self-interest and partisanship. He saw political opponents as adversaries, not enemies, and eschewed class division.

English journalist Walter Bagehot described a statesman as someone of “common opinions and uncommon abilities” who “most felicitously expresses the creed of the moment, who administers it, who embodies it in laws and institutions”. Hawke made mistakes and had regrets, not least the 1990 recession, but he had these essential elements in spades.

He also changed Labor by retuning its philosophy, transforming its governing culture and making it electorally dominant. He made the party fit for purpose: winning elections and staying in power. He achieved his goal of leading a Labor government of longevity. He took Labor to four election victories and is the party’s most successful leader.

Hawke is the third longest serving prime minister overall. No post-war prime minister has been more popular or led their party to more election victories, other than Robert Menzies. And no other prime minister has led a government that so fundamentally transformed Australia’s economy, society, environment and international relations.

While Hawke was personally flawed and acknowledged his failings as a husband and father – and the affairs did not stop when he moved into the Lodge – he was an exceptional prime minister who brought people together, established a model for effective leadership and remade Australia for the modern era.

Troy Bramston is the author of Bob Hawke: Demons and Destiny (Viking), published on Tuesday.