Federal election battlelines are beginning to form
There are several policy areas where the main parties can differentiate themselves.
Adam Creighton says the shift towards trendy ideological positioning by much of corporate Australia is not just posturing (“Libs failed to tame our superannuation leviathan”, 5/3). The shareholdings of union-controlled industry funds explain this change of heart — all in one direction and seldom in the national interest.
Think energy policy and the hypocritical rejection of coal mining, while it remains our largest source of export revenue. Nevertheless, the superior performance of industry funds, even while raided by unions, underlines the scandalous extortions of the retail funds. But we are left with this leviathan that no longer needs union members or fees to lock in political power as it outspends the Coalition and forces corporate Australia to dance to its tune.
Scott Morrison talks of an election about the economy, a good tactic. He should make regional economies part of the debate. Regions have many areas of growth potential. For example, quality lifestyle villages for retirees would energise ailing regions.
Morrison should challenge Labor on how it neglects the regions while it pork barrels the cities. Many rural areas can create jobs around tourism if embraced, not hindered. He should challenge Labor on its tax changes that will hurt self-funded retirees.
Delivering a budget surplus that the next Labor government will throw away is pointless. But maximising the government’s borrowing capacity to fund infrastructure such as dams that generate hydro power with pipelines to relieve drought has the bonus of limiting Labor recklessness.
Public sector asset management is atrocious but if Snowy hydro is an appropriate government-owned utility so too are coal-powered, low-emission generators.
Scott Morrison must use parliament’s budget session to introduce dynamic infrastructure bills and give voters the opportunity to decide the future shape of their nation.
Already we are witnessing the flexing of political muscle by the union movement — and that’s before one of their own becomes PM (“Union bid to scupper trade pact”, 4/3). The most disturbing fact about this is that unions represent a mere 15 per cent of workers. But the power and influence these people will have over a Shorten government is, at best, unsettling; at worst, terrifying.
It’s bad enough when unions interfere inappropriately in industrial relations but when they start dictating to governments how we frame our wider policy issues it should be a concern.
Ivan Cope (Letters, 4/3) says Bill Shorten had praised Julie Bishop for having been “a loyal deputy to four different Liberal leaders”. My understanding is that she was loyal to four different leadership tenures.
My interpretation of the woes of the Liberal Party is that there has been only one of those four leaders who has been a genuine Liberal — Brendan Nelson who was shafted because he was an honest politician.
The Morrison government should go nuclear. This would reduce global emissions, reduce electricity costs, provide assured baseload power, satisfy any Paris demands, and defuse the Greens and Labor with their climate change posture. There would be an aggressive response from the anti-nuclear lobby, but the ensuing fight would be on a single battlefront.
The basic problem with the Liberal Party is that it is seen by too many voters as being out of touch with ordinary Australians. The Labor Party is better able to sell itself as being in touch.
Scott Morrison has been doing his best to project himself as a compassionate, empathetic in-touch PM, and I believe it is all genuine. Yet there is a gulf between action and words.
Among the most vulnerable in society are the elderly and unemployed. Morrison has done nothing for these two groups who represent a sizeable proportion of the voting public
In fact, Morrison’s unconscious prejudices against the elderly were clearly on display when he became PM by declaring in effect his government would become a new generation of Liberal leaders, implying Turnbull’s generation (including Julie Bishop) were not up to the job.
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