Nation’s moment of truth on alleged war crimes

Scott Morrison and Defence Minister Linda Reynolds have responded decisively to the final report of the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force into allegations of war crimes by Australian troops in Afghanistan. The Prime Minister, supported by his minister, has initiated the next steps in a gruesome, protracted process, announcing he will appoint a Special Investigator, with prosecutorial powers, to be located within the Department of Home Affairs. The move sends a message that in a democratic nation, our military forces are subject to civilian oversight.

This is especially important as both the current Chief of the Defence Force and Chief of Army served in the Special Air Service Regiment, the latter commanding it during the invasion of Iraq in 2003. For the sake of public confidence and veterans’ morale, it is imperative the entire chain of command be held accountable in any proceedings against those who bore the brunt of the fighting in Afghanistan. While soldiers and junior leaders are likely to face the full force of the law, justice demands the chain of command is scrutinised. That is not to cast any aspersions on the integrity of General Campbell or Lieutenant General Burr. However, given the time frame over which the alleged war crimes occurred and the tight-knit, opaque world of the Special Forces, there cannot be any hint of nepotism or conflict of interest when justice is dispensed to some and others continue to be promoted or decorated.

As we have said, SAS troops were misemployed in so-called decapitation operations against Taliban leadership targets. Large-scale combat operations were never the role of this elite regiment. While conventional infantry were largely idle, our SAS troopers and commandos were deployed on multiple tours by politicians and senior leaders who exploited their unique skills and hoped they would not suffer casualties on a scale to provoke political backlash at home. This meant, inevitably, that many elite troops were repeatedly deployed. It took its toll on their mental health and their judgment. Some may have grown callous and indiscriminate in the use of force against a population among whom it was difficult to identify friend from foe. Those who certified Special Forces were fit for purpose in this period must be called to account. Charging a handful of corporals and sergeants while senior leaders receive honours and promotions would breach the remaining cohesion of the SAS, already at breaking point after years of leaks to selected media.

The measures outlined on Thursday are sound but the government should unconditionally reject any suggestion the SAS be disbanded. It possesses extraordinary capabilities. Training costs billions of dollars over decades. SAS troops are unique, indispensable and irreplaceable. The SAS must not be disbanded nor merged with the Commando Regiment, whose role is vastly different. Now action is under way, there is no need for the review, commissioned by the CDF, by former naval officer and Anglican bishop Tom Frame. It is no longer relevant. This process has already gone on far too long. The culture of the SAS is basically sound. That is why so many of its members provided vital evidence to the IGADF inquiry — a measure of moral courage and integrity. Defence in general and Special Forces in particular have had their culture studied by highly paid consultants for far too long. The crucial issues now are for the criminal justice system to determine.