The case for David Speirs as South Australian state Liberal Party leader | Paul Starick

Fledgling Liberal leader David Speirs has made some prominent blunders but the party needs his ruthless streak, Paul Starick writes.

Fledgling Liberal leader David Speirs has made some prominent tactical blunders in his first fortnight since returning from a midwinter break.

The most obvious was highlighting leaks in his own ranks by firing off a press release linking Labor minister Tom Koutsantonis to an anonymous “Concerned Liberals” email account, based on flimsy detective work worthy of Inspector Jacques Clouseau.

Another was not turning up to a Master Builders SA awards night in protest at not being officially invited, fuelling internal and external allegations that he has a fiery temper.

These might be rookie errors but they are tactical rather than strategic. They encompass inside-the-Beltway issues that will not switch mainstream voters’ focus from the daily challenge of rising living costs.

The headline case for Mr Speirs’ leadership of the South Australian Liberal Party is easily stated – there is no alternative now or, most likely, before the next election in 2026.

Shadow treasurer Matt Cowdrey, Liberal leader David Speirs, and Liberal finance spokeswoman Heidi Girolamo at Parliament House. Picture Matt Turner.

Detractors accuse Mr Speirs of having a combustible temperament but he has displayed a competitive and ruthless political streak that has been lacking in some quarters of the state Liberal Party for some time.

Strategically, this is important for a party hoping to rebuild from being turfed out after one term in office and holding power for little more than six years since the turn of the century. Just like in a sporting contest, a rebuilding side will have to accept some errors along the way.

Mr Speirs’ competitive spirit was evidenced even before he successfully manoeuvred himself into the leadership in mid-April, when he branded Mr Koutsantonis “a scheming old has-been” like Scar in the Lion King, as the pair traded accusations of laziness and inaction.

The Liberal leader is aware of the Labor veteran’s attempts to draw him into direct political combat and trigger tactical mistakes. Both have had some success and Mr Speirs wisely has avoided direct debate.

Of the Marshall government ministers remaining in the lower house after the March election trouncing, no others would be acceptable as leader to both of the notoriously factionally riven party’s groups – the Moderates and the Conservatives. Barring significant errors, this alone effectively guarantees Mr Speirs a clear run to the next election as leader.

Moderates dominated the Marshall Cabinet, prompting a significant concession from Mr Marshall in a pre-election Advertiser interview, when he declared cabinet balance had not been achieved in the past 12 to 18 months and “would “would need to be addressed in the future”.

The-then premier Steven Marshall watches the-then environment and water Minister David Speirs at a Felixstow Reserve press conference in February. Picture: Brenton Edwards

Spearheaded by federal Barker MP Tony Pasin, the Conservatives, or Right, have achieved dominance among party members and both sides expect this to be cemented at state executive level at the Liberal AGM in mid-September. This power will take some time to exert at a sufficient number of preselections to be reflected in the state parliamentary party.

Mr Speirs, who pushed the appointment of Alex May as Liberal state director, is now advocating a new-generation party state president. He is pushing for former Kavel candidate Rowan Mumford, an Adelaide Hills fitness studio and beauty salon director, who also is the Liberal Mayo federal electorate committee chairman. This branch has been controlled by the Right, not least because Mayo was held for 24 years by former federal Liberal leader Alexander Downer.

Mr Speirs’ tactical errors might be explained by a loss of experience within the party, not least the retirement from his office at the start of August of highly respected veteran political adviser Richard Yeeles. Mr Yeeles worked with four premiers (David Tonkin, Dean Brown, John Olsen and Steven Marshall) and in the late 1970s was press secretary to deputy prime minister Doug Anthony.

But Mr Speirs can claim some significant victories as he gradually lays out his strategy to mirror Peter Malinauskas and recapture power within one term. Most significantly, he dissuaded Liberal dissenter Chelsea Potter from standing as an independent in the July 2 Bragg by-election, triggered by the viciously timed resignation of former deputy leader Vickie Chapman. This formerly blue-ribbon seat was won by Moderate Jack Batty, who captured 55.6 per cent of the two-party preferred vote. It might have been disastrously lost if Ms Potter had swept along the Teal independent wave of the May 21 federal election.

The Liberal challenge of recapturing power is enormous. Labor’s victory has engendered a sense of restoration of a natural order among sections of the bureaucratic, media, business and union communities. At least, Mr Speirs is not cosy in Opposition, even if some of his colleagues might be.