Hamas official outlines detailed vision for future of Gaza

Doha, Qatar: For nearly two decades, Hamas has been in charge of governing the Gaza Strip, overseeing its border crossings, schools and hospitals.

But after nine months of a ruinous war with Israel, the militant group is now expressing readiness to give up civilian governance in Gaza, albeit without dismantling its military wing.

Husam Badran, a senior political officer and spokesman for Hamas, at his office in Doha.Credit: Diego Ibarra Sánchez/The New York Times

The overture by Hamas, while most likely a non-starter for Israel, is meant to signal to the international community Hamas’ apparent readiness to make some concessions to enable the rebuilding of Gaza. It also arrives against the backdrop of ongoing ceasefire negotiations, in which Hamas has shown some flexibility on the language in a proposed deal.

“First and foremost, we want the Palestinian people in Gaza to recover from this war,” Husam Badran, a senior Hamas official, said in an interview at an unmarked building in the Qatari capital, Doha.

Hamas, Badran said, would support the formation of a government for Gaza and the occupied West Bank led by independent figures who could work with foreign officials on reconstructing the coastal enclave.

Although such a prospect faces major obstacles, Badran’s comments amounted to one of the most detailed visions yet presented by a Hamas official for the future of Gaza.

Palestinians returned to scenes of destruction in Gaza City’s Shijaiyah neighbourhood.Credit: AP

A US official confirmed that Hamas had conveyed a willingness to give up civilian control of Gaza. Under a framework ceasefire agreement being discussed in Qatar and Egypt, Hamas, which is considered a terrorist organisation by the United States and other countries, would allow a security force loyal to the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority to assert control over Gaza, according to the US official, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomacy.

For Israel, any role for Hamas in postwar Gaza, even an indirect one, is likely to be rejected out of hand. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly vowed to dismantle Hamas’ military and governing capabilities. He has also referred to the so-called day after the war in Gaza – a phrase used to describe plans for the territory – as the “day after Hamas.”

But Hamas remains a formidable force in Gaza, with thousands of active fighters, and many experts say they believe its approval is needed for any plan to rebuild Gaza.

United Nations officials have estimated that rebuilding Gaza will cost tens of billions of dollars, but many donor countries have designated Hamas as a terrorist organisation, restricting their ability to work with Hamas-linked institutions in Gaza. An independent government without ties to Hamas could collaborate with the United States, European nations and international organisations to start rebuilding the territory.

Israeli protesters gather at a rally marking nine months since the start of the Israel–Hamas war, in Tel Aviv.Credit: Sergey Ponomarev/The New York Times

“We’re keen that the people will not be from Hamas or considered close to Hamas,” Badran said, adding that the group was even willing to concede authority over the civil police.

The only qualification, he said, was that the members of the government had to be “nationalistic” and “reliable,” and supported by the various Palestinian factions, including the most prominent: Hamas and Fatah.

But Hamas and Fatah have been at loggerheads for years, each attempting to present itself as the legitimate leader of the Palestinian people. Palestinian analysts remain sceptical that they would agree to join in a united Palestinian front.

Badran said Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Western-backed Palestinian Authority, was blocking the idea.

Munir al-Jaghoub, a Fatah official in the West Bank, said that Badran’s talk about giving up control in Gaza was just a smoke screen, arguing that Hamas had scuttled previous efforts to cultivate cooperation.

“They want to remain the ones who are actually in power,” he said. “There’s no doubt about that.”

Some US officials have grown more optimistic that a deal to release Israeli hostages held in Gaza in return for a ceasefire is at hand. But people briefed on the talks say it will be days until it is clear whether a breakthrough has been achieved.

Other US officials said previous hopes had been dashed both by Netanyahu and Hamas. In Washington, the White House national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, reflected both the optimism and the caution, noting that many details still had to be hammered out to secure a deal.

“I don’t want to say that it’s immediately around the corner, but it does not have to be far out in the distance if everyone comes in with the will to get it done,” Sullivan told reporters Thursday.

Discussions are centred on the two most contentious issues: whether Israel will agree to end the war, withdraw from Gaza and respect a permanent ceasefire; and whether Hamas will agree to give up control of Gaza, according to a person briefed on the negotiations.

Both Israel and Hamas remain exceptionally wary about whether the other side is ready to make concessions.

Badran said his group had shown “great flexibility” in discussions with mediators, especially in making language changes, but had held firm to its demand that Israel agree to a permanent ceasefire.

“We’re not obstinate and rigid in negotiating,” he said. “If there are some phrases that will make the negotiations easier and lead to the same result – the end of the war – we have no problem.”

Although Hamas officials have expressed frustration in the past about bearing the burden of governance – fixing broken streets and collecting trash – they have used the strings of power to advance their political and social agendas, intimidating opponents, shaping news coverage and enforcing modesty rules.

Still, although Hamas might step back from governing civil affairs in Gaza, it has no plans to cede overall control of Gaza. That would mean disbanding its military wing, the Qassam Brigades, which Badran said was a non-starter.

“The occupation’s army entered Gaza for 10 months and didn’t eliminate the Qassam Brigades,” he said. “Does it want the Qassam Brigades to dissolve itself? That’s illogical.”

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.