CFMEU accused of using death threats and violence in ruthless power push
Queensland's CFMEU inquiry has heard extraordinary claims about how the union operated. Here are the eight key takeaways.
The militant CFMEU is accused of exploiting the inner workings of unionism in its pursuit of power, using violence to get what it wants and exerting its influence over the previous Labor government.
But for years, almost no one spoke publicly about it – until Queensland’s landmark inquiry into the controversial union.
This week, top female union leaders alleged that the CFMEU leveraged government contacts, exploited a police agreement and pressured contractors into deals to expand its industrial reach.
Despite enduring increasing threats and harassment, there was a reluctance by other union members to report incidents to police in order to keep “the code” – an unspoken union rule to not rat out your mates.
It was a week of extraordinary evidence – and these are the key takeaways.
1. Violence by CFMEU Members Towards the AWU
CFMEU members have been repeatedly described engaging in escalating aggression ranging from verbal abuse to physical intimidation.
Australian Workers’ Union state secretary Stacey Schinnerl recounted several instances where AWU members were targeted, including one harrowing example of masked CFMEU members delivering a death threat to her through fellow AWU delegate Jayce Emmerton.
The threat: “If I stick my head up it will be knocked off.”
Tyres were slashed, cars vandalised with stickers in the AWU’s private office car park and officials were frequently followed through city streets after leaving sites, the Inquiry heard.
At the Labour Day March in 2023, a CFMEU member wearing full face paint approached Ms Schinnerl in front of her 13-year-old son, calling her “weak,” then leaned past her towards the child and said: “How does it feel to know your mum’s a f***ing grub who sells out workers?”
Worksite clashes at the Centenary Bridge where AWU workers had coverage became serious enough that contractor BMD warned Ms Schinnerl they could not guarantee her safety if she visited the worksite.
The Inquiry heard that as intimidation escalated, Ms Schinnerl was living in a state of fear for her family and staff.
She hired private security, instructed workers to remove AWU branding from cars and clothing to avoid being targeted and told her teenage son to stop wearing his AWU hoodie because she feared CFMEU members might confront him publicly.
Ms Schinnerl described feeling vulnerable knowing CFMEU leaders knew where she lived.
“I know people in those ranks know where some of my officials live. I’ve had people feel that the risk is so great they’ve had to move homes,” she said.
Officials felt like “sitting ducks” walking back to their office, raising concerns with police about safe exits that were dismissed.
The continuous harassment produced serious psychosocial harm, with Ms Schinnerl telling the Inquiry she lived in a “perpetual heightened state of anxiety.”
2. Failures or Reluctance of QPS to Act
There was a reluctance for union members to report incidents to police.
This too was the case when Ms Schinnerl and Queensland Council of Unions general secretary Jacqueline King decided to meet with Police Commissioner Steve Gollschewski and Deputy Commissioner Cheryl Scanlon to informally report CFMEU misconduct at the Centenary Bridge site, with Ms King also handing over a USB stick of CCTV of the worksite.
Neither woman received a follow-up to this specific meeting, though Deputy Commissioner Scanlon did later send a text message checking in on Ms Schinnerl.
Ms King told the Inquiry she had never believed police hesitated in union matters “until recently,” as officers defaulted to an agreement with the government that directs them to treat right of entry disputes as workplace regulator matters rather than criminal issues.
AWU officials were told that formal complaints against the CFMEU could not be made unless they were willing naming offenders, making formal statements and committing to the possibility of appearing before a court — something union culture made almost impossible.
3. MOU Between QPS and OIR and Alleged Favouritism
The Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Queensland Police and the Office of Industrial Relations was repeatedly criticised for effectively shielding CFMEU conduct.
Ms Schinnerl noted a clause allowing CFMEUQ members the same access rights as officials holding federal entry permits — despite the fact state permits cannot legally grant access to federal sites like Cross River Rail.
She described this as a deliberate “do-around” to sidestep legislative requirements, implying that it was designed for CFMEU members who had their federal permits revoked.
The MOU also obliges QPS to notify OIR before entering worksites and to defer to OIR’s “expert advice,” on Workplace Health and Safety matters.
This concerned Ms Schinnerl as one senior OIR figure had close personal ties to CFMEU leadership – Helen Burgess.
Ms Schinnerl told the Inquiry that Ms Burgess had “a close personal relationship” with former CFMEU president Royce Kupsch.
Her relationship to the CFMEU as a senior government official later became the subject of a Crime and Corruption Commission investigation, which is ongoing.
The first two regulators police called when they were asked to attend site disputes were Burgess and Marc Dennott.
This aspect of the MOU created what Ms Schinnerl described as “a direct line to the CFMEU” -effectively giving the union a heads up to any worksite matters being looked at.
4. Industrial Coverage Battles
A central theme that emerged during the Inquiry this week was tension over union coverage.
The AWU is the principal union for civil construction covering roads, rail, dams, water, mechanical and engineering works.
It means it can lawfully represent the broad workforce on many projects.
Ms Schinnerl described CFMEU coverage as “limited” or “narrow” as it could only cover specific occupations like crane drivers, carpenters and excavator operators.
Ms Schinnerl said one of the reasons as to why there were so many disputes at the Cross River Rail sites was because the CFMEU sought to expand its coverage footprint into tunnelling — an area the AWU monopolises.
The CFMEU produced a “CFMEU callings” document claiming broad coverage across areas of civil construction, local government and state government blue-collar work.
Ms Schinnerl called this document “a work of fiction.”
She went as far as to say the CFMEU were misleading tradies they were trying to recruit with this calling document as it did not accurately reflect the type of coverage they could receive with a CFMEU membership.
“The CFMEU selling a membership ticket to a worker outside the coverage of that union is the equivalent of selling them a very expensive concert ticket for a concert that you can never attend,” she said.
The overlapping coverage area remains a “regular source of antagonism” and underpins much of the hostility between the CFMEU and AWU.
Ms Schinnerl was told the CFMEU had allocated $1 million for a trojan horse takeover of the AWU through dual-ticketed members who had joined both the AWU and CFMEU.
She told the Inquiry those members were planning to run in future AWU elections.
5. Internal CFMEU Power Struggles and Political Manoeuvring
The Inquiry also heard of internal battles within the CFMEU and how members allegedly used political factions to their advantage.
Former CFMEU assistant state secretary Jade Ingham sought support from QCU’s Jacqueline King to delay workplace safety legislation in order to boost his factional standing and challenge Michael Ravbar for branch leadership.
According to Ms King, he argued that delivering such a delay would give him “kudos” among organisers and would help return the CFMEU to the Labor Left.
Ms King refused, saying it would be inappropriate to interfere.
When it came to government, Mr Ravbar allegedly directed operatives like Kurt Pauls to target senior bureaucrats within the Office of Industrial Relations.
This included Deputy Director-General Kym Bancroft, who became overwhelmed by constant demands and communications from CFMEU figures.
The Inquiry heard this alleged tactic was to undermine Ms Bancroft, who was unable to fulfil her daily duties and ultimately ended up leaving the role within 12 months.
6. Attempts to Influence Government Policy and Senior Bureaucrats
The Inquiry heard of repeated attempts by CFMEU leaders to influence, pressure, or manipulate senior public servants and government Ministers.
One area of significant concern was the CFMEU’s strong involvement in drafting a government policy called “Best Practice Industry Conditions” (BPIC).
The policy, a 250-page document setting workplace standards for government projects worth over $100 million, was criticised by AWU as resembling an enterprise agreement and undermining the Fair Work bargaining system.
Contractors were effectively compelled to negotiate with all unions named in the BPIC, even when no lawful coverage existed.
Ms Schinnerl argued BPIC became a vehicle for CFMEU influence across government departments, particularly Energy and Public Works – Mick de Brenni’s old portfolio.
In one draft, a CFMEU-branded RDO calendar appeared inside a government policy document.
Ms Schinnerl said the AWU specifically warned Mr de Brenni and Transport and Main Roads Minister Mark Bailey that BPIC risked breaching the Fair Work Act by requiring contractors to negotiate with unions outside their lawful coverage areas.
“It was made very clear … that BPIC was continuing with or without the AWU,” she said.
Randall Fuller, a senior bureaucrat involved in BPIC drafting, allegedly boasted he received the role due to Mr Ravbar’s influence.
Ms Schinnerl said she also raised concerns to the then-Director-General of Energy and Public Works Paul Martyn about Mr Fuller and his staff who, in her opinion. were not acting independently and were overly aligned with CFMEU priorities during the drafting of the policy.
7. Contractor Pressure, Enterprise Agreements and Economic Coercion
Contractors also reported CFMEU pressure to secure enterprise agreements in ways that enhanced the union’s influence.
John Holland executives allegedly warned Ms Schinnerl that if they refused a CFMEU agreement for Gold Coast Light Rail would trigger industrial retaliation on other major projects, including Logan Hospital.
The CFMEU’s use of BERT (Building Employees Redundancy Trust) also created financial leverage, the Inquiry heard.
Once John Holland entered an agreement with the CFMEU, all workers — AWU or otherwise — were defaulted into BERT contributions, generating income flows to CFMEU despite its limited coverage on the civil rail works.
Ms Schinnerl told the Inquiry hundreds of workers were effectively compelled to join the CFMEU to access the benefits tied to their own contributions to BERT.
8. Cultural Issues Inside the Union Movement
The Inquiry heard that an ingrained union culture of solidarity often discouraged reporting misconduct, even when behaviour escalated into violence.
Ms Schinnerl said this “code” meant that making a formal police complaint against another union would be viewed as “the absolute antithesis of solidarity,” explaining why AWU officials refused to “grass” on fellow tradies.
This cultural barrier enabled intimidation to persist unchecked.
Ms King described a broader culture in construction where right-of-entry disputes become volatile, with employers “playing rough” and violence common enough that some organisers faced threats like having a chisel shoved into their ribs.
Union culture simultaneously celebrates solidarity and tolerates aggression, which both women agreed created an environment where intimidation was normalised and under reported.
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