Top three priorities for national security of Australia in 2022

The beginning of a new term of government offers an opportunity to take stock of Australia’s strategic settings.

The new government should conduct a full review into defence export arrangements and commit to work with local industry to increase defence exports to Australia’s regional allies and partners.

The beginning of a new term of government offers an opportunity to take stock of Australia’s strategic settings, and to make sober assessments of how well we as a nation are postured to defend our national security interests now, and into the future.

With Australia facing the most difficult set of geostrategic challenges since 1945, how the next government manages the Defence portfolio over the next three years will have profound and long-lasting implications for Australia.

As a 25-year veteran of the Australian Defence Force (ADF), and chief executive of a sovereign Defence enterprise now in its 10th anniversary year, I believe that there are three commitments the next government, and next defence minister, should make as a priority during the coming term of government.

First, the next government should conduct a full review into Defence export arrangements and commit to work with local industry to increase Defence exports to Australia’s regional allies and partners.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Australia was the fourth largest arms importer globally in 2017–21. During the same period, Australia ranked as the 16th largest arms exporter, with the top three recipients of Australian military exports being Canada, Chile and the US – none of which are located in our immediate region.

I have previously argued for greater government support for Australia’s Defence exports sector, identifying Sweden and Israel as exemplar models. Russia’s recent invasion of Ukraine significantly increases the strategic imperatives for such support.

Among those nations slow to condemn Russia’s actions was India – Australia’s Quad partner. Some speculate that India’s status as the single largest recipient of Russian military equipment had something to do with Indian reluctance to vocally condemn Russia’s actions. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz certainly appeared to share this view earlier this month when he urged European defence companies to offer India an alternative to Russian military equipment.

I strongly believe that Australia should be leading a similar push in our region. In Southeast Asia right now, Russia and China rank in the top five suppliers of military equipment. Australia ranks 16th.

In the coming term, the next government should support Australia’s defence industry – working in partnership with allied industries in the US, UK and Japan (to name only a few) – to offer our neighbours alternatives to military equipment from nations whose interests are inimical interests to ours.

Second, the next government should work with local industry to prioritise the development of capabilities designed to meet the requirements of the ADF, and commit to purchasing these capabilities for use by our forces.

Australia has made great strides in recent years in developing a robust domestic defence industry. An industry that has shown it is up to the task of developing leading-edge military capabilities, such as the C4 EDGE mobile communications system, the Bushmaster Protected Mobility Vehicle, and the MQ-28A Ghost Bat.

Too often, however, previous governments have invested in the development of domestic platforms and kit, only for decisions to be made to acquire the same or similar capabilities from overseas.

While it would be unrealistic to expect local industry to service all the ADF’s capability requirements, the next government should task the Defence Department with devoting greater strategic consideration to identifying what local industry can actually provide, and to support the onshore development of these capabilities, and their incorporation into the ADF.

Third, the next government should commit to sustained investment in advanced technologies that support the ADF.

I welcomed the previous government’s decision to purchase 40 Schiebel Camcopter unmanned surveillance drones, as well as the announcement earlier this month that Defence would work with local industry to design, develop and manufacture Extra Large Autonomous Undersea Vehicles (XLAUVs) in Australia.

These are the kind of forward-looking investments in advanced technology platforms the next government must continue to make if our armed forces are to retain the capability edge over our adversaries.

Recent events have shown that technology is now king in modern warfare. Take for example the loss of at least 10 Russian flag officers and headquarters staff in Ukraine due to the use of unsecure communication systems. Technology now exists that can lead a phone call lasting as little as a few minutes to trigger a missile, artillery bombardment, or air-delivered laser-guided explosive. While I know that our defence forces are well disciplined in their combat communications, discipline is no match for fast-paced technological advancements.

As such, the next government should ensure that investments in cutting-edge jamming and electronic warfare systems – including those that are domestically produced, such as those developed by CEA Technologies – are maintained and incorporated into the ADF (as well as other security agencies).

The geostrategic challenges facing the incoming government are considerable, but they are not insurmountable. Investing in our domestic defence industry while also partnering with international Primes when needed will go a long way to ensuring the effective defence of Australia.

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Jon “Irish” Hawkins is the founder and chief executive of Omni.