Michael Kroger in denial over leadership ‘coup’ as Libs lick their wounds
Compare and contrast reactions to last week’s murder and mayhem. Like most, not all, Liberal MPs, deputy whip Rowan Ramsey felt sick at heart as he handed out ballot papers to colleagues angered by betrayals, disgusted by the bullying, who were being forced to choose between their friends or their enemies. Their votes were destined to kill a popular prime minister, shatter the career of his equally popular deputy, then anoint one of two much less popular contenders.
Ramsey chose black humour to try to get himself and other MPs through the gruelling process. “I haven’t had this much fun since I ran over my neighbour’s dog, then had to tell him what I had done,” he said. So many Liberal MPs were shocked or distressed by events and the way they unfolded.
“It was so ugly, it scared us all. It scared me,” one coup veteran said. Another worried about post-traumatic stress disorder among his colleagues. An interstate Liberal reckoned it was one giant cock-up.
Yet on Monday morning Victorian Liberal Party president Michael Kroger, who according to several sources had directly intervened last week, was tetchy, politically inept and insensitive when asked by Sky News’ Kieran Gilbert about the part played in the “coup” by two Victorians, Michael Sukkar and James Paterson.
“You can call it a coup, insurgency. No. It was a leadership challenge, you know, big deal, move on. We’ve had them before, we’ll have them again,” Kroger replied, with scant regard for the sensitivities of the politicians or the opinion of voters, who hate that they do happen all the time, and who can be forgiven for thinking it is a very big deal who is prime minister because what they do affects the country and its people.
The coup was the last straw for promising backbencher Julia Banks who, without a skerrick of help from Kroger — financial or otherwise — managed to win Chisholm from Labor in 2016. Citing bullying as a factor, Banks announced she would not recontest. Appearing soon after on Sky News, Kroger told Laura Jayes he had not received a single complaint about bullying. Nothing to see here, boys and girls. Only a few weeks ago Victorian Liberals were reasonably confident they could hold on to most of their seats and maybe even pick up Melbourne Ports. No longer. Kroger should quit while he is behind.
So should a spiteful Tony Abbott, who did a cancan all over Malcolm Turnbull’s grave, talking as if he had played no part in last week’s events and thanking God the days of political assassins were over. No, they aren’t — not until he leaves parliament.
Unlike Abbott, who ummed and aahed for days before accepting the role of special envoy for indigenous matters, Barnaby Joyce had the sense to say yes immediately to special envoy for the drought, rightly judging it’s what you make of it that matters. If Scott Morrison had given Abbott a ministry, he would have incited another revolt before he had even been sworn in. The Prime Minister was, however, smart to offer Abbott the opportunity to prove he would do his utmost to see the new regime succeed.
And Joyce was wrong to criticise Turnbull for resigning his seat. Turnbull had always said he would, and in any case it would be untenable for him to stay on the backbench until the election. We have seen how troublesome former PMs in parliament have been to their successors, much more so than a by-election where the incumbent at least can fight back.
Whatever pain she felt after securing only 11 votes in the ballot, a classy Julie Bishop announced she would stay as the member for Curtin, although for how long is uncertain. It could mean until the election, it could mean before or after. She is keeping all options open, although hanging around to become opposition leader is the least likely, especially amid all the continuing volatility, the venom, the lies and the instability. She is not rushing to make a decision.
Speculation also continues about Bishop replacing Sir Peter Cosgrove as governor-general, becoming a diplomat or even switching to state politics, where she could make a run for premier of Western Australia.
A supremely confident Bill Shorten, whose mother-in-law was governor-general, demanded Morrison delay a decision so he could choose Cosgrove’s replacement. Morrison becomes a caretaker prime minister when he calls an election, not before. He would do himself a big favour if he persuaded the hugely popular and well-regarded Bishop to accept the job. She is a rare species.
With dignity and humour she gently reminded her colleagues how much she had raised for them through the years, and that her new status as a backbencher put an end to all that. On one rough estimate, she visited 84 electorates in the most recent election campaign — but hey, who’s counting.
Josh Frydenberg was as gracious in victory as Bishop in defeat. He hugged his old friend Greg Hunt and kissed him on the cheek at the swearing-in. Hunt was groomsman at Frydenberg’s wedding, Frydenberg was best man at Hunt’s wedding, and they are godfathers to each other’s daughters. Frydenberg demolished Hunt in the deputy leader’s ballot.
Morrison (tipped by me here in April 2010 as a future leader) had unenviable decisions to make in putting his first frontbench together. It is as practical and as pragmatic as he is. Some should have been rewarded more and some should have been punished more. Angus Taylor was both rewarded and punished with the energy portfolio. Linda Reynolds, who last week called out the bully boys in her party, Anne Ruston, and Sarah Henderson got toeholds on the ladder as assistant ministers.
They should have been higher up, while Michaelia Cash should have been dropped completely. For all the good work she did in industrial relations, Cash was neutered months ago over questions about her role in the police raid on the Australian Workers Union.
Mathias Cormann also has been severely compromised. When Turnbull told Cormann last week that his switch was akin to giving in to terrorists, Cormann said he knew, adding he had no choice. He did, but he made the wrong one, given the combination of damage to his reputation and the loss of the respect of friends inside and outside parliament.
The first Newspoll shows how daunting the rebuilding task will be for Morrison and Frydenberg. It was bad enough the Liberals’ primary vote dropped four points, what was worse was that it went straight to Labor, making it that much harder to get back.
The drop to the low 30s was as bad as Julia Gillard’s collapse into the 20s. Labor at least could count on Greens preferences. Liberals can’t count on anyone, not even each other.