Now not the time to panic but Malcolm Turnbull must get cracking

Illustration: Sturt Krygsman

One of Scott Morrison’s favourite movies is Bridge of Spies, based on the exchange of a convicted Soviet agent for US pilot Francis Gary Powers, imprisoned by the Soviets after they shot down his U-2 spy plane.

The Treasurer can recite the scene where the Tom Hanks character, James Donovan, the lawyer charged with arranging the swap, tells his client, the convicted spy Rudolf Abel, that he has a mandate to serve him, unlike everybody else who wants him sent to the electric chair. Abel simply replies: “All right.” Donovan, surprised, says: “You don’t seem alarmed.” Abel coolly responds: “Would it help?”

No, it would not, and that is roughly where Morrison and other sensible people are in the government today, after a week where the media has kept its focus firmly, almost exclusively, on a messy process instead of where the government prefers, outcomes. Ministers know the messiness is unhelpful and they know it has to stop, but they also know that panicking or neglecting fundamentals, as interest rates fall ever lower to combat investment droughts, will definitely not help.

So work is proceeding on drafting legislation to enact the government’s election promises on superannuation, company tax cuts and stalled spending cuts including those Labor has agreed to support. Everyone from the Prime Minister is reaching out to crossbenchers.

Malcolm Turnbull is beefing up his office. On Monday, experienced former journalist Mark Simkin took over as press secretary from David Bold who has moved into the inner office where he will act as contact point for the crossbenchers. Peter Hendy, former MP, former chief-of-staff to Brendan Nelson and Peter Reith, began as chief economist. Hendy, a serious policy wonk, knows lots about numbers. He helped Turnbull get them last September. Simon Atkinson, previously Mathias Cormann’s chief of staff, will take on strategic policy work.

It is also worth noting here that while Turnbull and Morrison have fully repaired their relationship after glitches earlier this year, Turnbull took a tougher line on banks failing to pass on interest rate cuts than Morrison (showing more Abel not enough Hanks) did initially. In the overall scheme of things that doesn’t matter much because, whenever the next election is held, the government will not be judged on the events of the past week unless messiness becomes a defining characteristic.

It will be judged on how the economy is travelling, whether it has cranked up confidence and investment, whether it has done enough on budget repair to retain triple-A credit ratings, whether it has delivered on its promises, whether the National Broadband Network has been built, how much of the budget has been swallowed up by the National Disability Insurance Scheme and whether it has been able to rebuild its stocks with voters on health and education. Of the two issues that have dominated the past week — one important, the other gaseous — the government eventually landed in the right place.

The stink bomb first. Turnbull eventually made the right call not to support Kevin Rudd. Rudd has divided Labor, the Liberals and the community, but such is his self-belief he thinks he can unite the world. It is not strictly true to say a majority of cabinet supported endorsing him for the job of UN secretary-general.

If Turnbull and Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce (Joyce gave his vote to Turnbull) had expressed their opposition in cabinet, it would have been a slight majority against. Given that, as well as Rudd’s unsuitability for the job, it would have been unfeasible for Turnbull to support him, regardless of what may or may not have passed between them last year.

It is also not true to say it was a split between conservatives and moderates in the cabinet. Christian Porter, a conservative (although these days probably “modcon” is a better description of him and those like him — mod for modern or moderate given slightly more socially liberal leanings), supported Julie Bishop’s submission to nominate Rudd. So did Steve Ciobo, who leans right.

Bishop was doing her job. It would have been wrong for Turnbull to decide without allowing her submission to be tested in cabinet. That would have been a captain’s call, leaving him open to serious charges of rolling Bishop, which would have left the Foreign Minister seriously bruised. The government should have better anticipated Rudd’s revenge-soaked hissy fit and prepared its defences accordingly. It also would have been better to deal with it early in Turnbull’s tenure. The mistake was in thinking initially, and Turnbull was not alone here, Rudd was fit for the job.

Despite what he says now, Bill Shorten knows he isn’t. “The decision to replace Kevin Rudd with Julia Gillard in June 2010 was spontaneous and supported by an overwhelming majority of Labor MPs. Most members of the Labor caucus were chafing under his leadership style. There was a deep wellspring of discontent,” the Opposition Leader says on page 141 of his book, For the Common Good: Reflections on Australia’s Future, published in May. So if Rudd couldn’t manage the Labor Party, or handle being prime minister, how could Shorten now say, and expect us to believe, he has what it takes to lead the UN? Rudd will not let it go, doing an excellent imitation of a rat gnawing through high-voltage cables, but it’s time for everyone else, including the Prime Minister, to discuss matters of greater importance, like whether cobblestones need painting.

On the royal commission into the Northern Territory’s child protection and youth detention system, Turnbull was right to announce it swiftly, but greater care should have been taken when choosing the commissioner.

Asked directly by Attorney-General George Brandis if there were any potential problems with his appointment, Brian Martin declared his daughter’s employment with the former Labor administration, but Martin was confident it would not be a problem.

Martin wobbled on Friday when the media zeroed in on the possible conflict. By early Saturday morning he wanted out.

Finding a replacement so quickly mitigated a disaster that could have been avoided. The reflexive pounce on co-commissioner Mick Gooda over his tweet, posted minutes after the ABC Four Corners documentary on juvenile abuse that triggered the events, calling for the Territory government to be sacked, will also pass if Gooda fulfils his promise to keep his emotions in check. Co-commissioner Margaret White will ensure that.

Panicking never helps, but it is time to get cracking because really — and it makes your eyes water thinking about it — the next election is not that far off even if the government runs full term.

The PM, rapidly approaching his first anniversary in the job, has to be out there consistently, clearly setting out his agenda and his priorities, with the right mechanisms and personnel in place to help him shape and deliver them in an orderly manner.