Abbott should prune frontbench dead wood

Illustration: Eric Lobbecke

THE government has reshuffled its frontbench twice in six months, yet Tony Abbott has missed both opportunities to make adjustments to his own team.

It's not as if the Coalition frontbench line-up is settled, bursting with talent and in no need of renewal. On the contrary, it's weak and Abbott has options to fix the situation.

There is talent in need of promotion from the backbench - for example, Jamie Briggs and Kelly O'Dwyer, whom Peter Costello rightly identified on the ABC's 7.30 program as important future custodians of the Coalition's reputation for economic management. There are also MPs in the outer shadow ministry who should be moved into shadow cabinet - Mathias Cormann, for example, whom Costello also mentioned. No one in the Coalition works harder than he does.

Come to think of it, as Costello is a good judge of talent and has a reputation as a sound economic manager, it's a shame he isn't leading the Liberal Party. But there is little point lamenting his early departure from politics - no Bob Carr-style comeback seems likely for Australia's longest-serving treasurer.

Abbott's often repeated claims that he has the best frontbench team in place at the moment are nothing short of ridiculous. If he really believes that, he should commit to making no changes in government if he wins the next election. Abbott will never do that because, as many of his colleagues are speculating, he is likely to make major changes once he has the authority of the prime ministership. For now, he is avoiding internal bitchiness in opposition from disaffected demotees who just might jeopardise his chances of winning government.

But Abbott's chances of winning government are jeopardised by not reshuffling his team.

Also, Abbott has been neatly wedged by Special Minister of State Gary Gray. While media attention was on the Kevin Rudd challenge, Gray quietly did a deal with Abbott allowing his oversized shadow ministerial line-up to receive a pay rise without being forced to abide by the legislative rules that it be no bigger than the government's ministerial team.

The independent tribunal awarded shadow ministers a $45,000 annual increase in their take-home pay, with a proviso that the size of the line-up should be no larger than that of the ministry. Julia Gillard leads a team of 30 ministers, Abbott's shadow ministry numbers 32.

That could have left Abbott with the awkward duty of informing two of his frontbenchers they were the least deserving of the pay rise and would not be getting one.

It sounds like the kind of situation Labor might like to force on Abbott, but Gray was thinking longer term. By granting Abbott a one-off exemption so his full shadow ministry could collect the pay increase, Gray has made it difficult for Abbott to reshuffle his line-up at any point between now and the next election. If Abbott promotes so much as one MP, he not only needs to find someone to demote, he will also have to dock two others a slice of their salary.

So instead of presenting the Australian public with the best alternative team at the next election, a $90,000 annual payday for two undeserving, under-performing shadows is contributing to Abbott's decision not to improve his team.

And it's not just Generation Next missing out on important experience in the shadow ministry. Arthur Sinodinos is also missing out.

If Abbott is to be believed, the former 10-year chief of staff to John Howard needs more time on the backbench to find his way around the corridors of Parliament House before he is ready for promotion.

Now is not the time for Abbott to be timid. He needs to ensure his team is first-rate to prevent a political comeback by Labor, despite Gray's clever wedge. Whatever the reality of what Carr brings to Canberra (his first week as foreign minister has been a poor one and he may not be as respected a figure as Labor insiders like to think), his arrival has certainly lifted Labor's confidence.

Problems in the economic team are an open secret in the Coalition, and underperforming frontbenchers unable to generate policy or media attention are taking up space more worthy backbenchers could readily fill.

Abbott should lock in his lead in the polls by appointing a frontbench fit to govern, despite practical barriers to doing so.

If Abbott doesn't have the courage to make changes from opposition, he is little better than the long list of cabinet ministers on the Labor side of the parliament who didn't have the guts to stand up to Rudd, who they now tell us was an utterly dysfunctional PM impossible to work with.

The government's woes are covering up the deep void on the Coalition's frontbench, but how much longer can that situation last? If Labor finds a rhythm, the Coalition doesn't have the depth on the frontbench to fight back, in policy muscle or media skills.

If Abbott waits for signs of polling life in Labor and only then reacts by improving his frontbench with a reshuffle, it will be too late.

He will have panicked and the changes will only be seen through the prism of the panic that brought them about.

In addition to Briggs, O'Dwyer and Sinodinos, the Liberal Party backbench includes a former Optus senior executive (Paul Fletcher) and a former senior adviser to Howard and Harvard graduate (Josh Frydenberg).

There are a host of junior shadows, in particular shadow parliamentary secretaries, who are also worthy of promotion.

If Abbott doesn't think there are under-performers in his shadow ministerial ranks, let me help him out with some names.

Marise Payne may be a moderate whose ideological predilections I have sympathy for, but can anyone tell me the last time she contributed to the Coalition's performance? She is comfortably the most invisible member of the shadow ministry, which is no mean feat.

Former Malcolm Turnbull lieutenant Michael Ronaldson runs her close, as does the tourism spokesman, Bob Baldwin.

Given the crisis in tourism at the moment, Baldwin should be far more prominent than he is.

Then there is the shadow cabinet pairing of David Johnston and Ian McFarlane. Neither is likely to retain their place in a Coalition government, so why not move them on now?

I could go on, but I am running out of space. Till next time.