Anthony Albanese and his Defence Minister, Richard Marles, have delivered a national defence outcome that not so long ago would have been unthinkable for Labor.
They would argue its fidelity with Labor tradition, from Andrew Fisher’s creation of the navy and John Curtin’s call to arms in World War II to a unified defence department under Gough Whitlam.
But AUKUS by its definition should be an abhorrence to the predominant elements of the modern Labor left.
Of the things they find most morally detestable, US military hegemony and nuclear power rank near the top of the list.
Yet it is a Labor government led by the left’s most senior member that is now doing both; buying US-made nuclear submarines.
It’s hard to imagine any Labor leader of recent times getting away with it. Shorten, Gillard, Rudd – even Hawke.
Bearing in mind it’s equally difficult to see a Labor government having ever initiated such a project had it not been for the Morrison-led Coalition bequeathing it.
Others will see it as Albanese being boxed in, both by Defence and his predecessor. Politically, he could not have not gone ahead with it.
That said, the Prime Minister has sought to put his personal stamp on AUKUS, rewriting Labor’s previously damaged national defence credentials and, in the process, restoring the primacy of traditional pro-alliance right-wing Labor principles.
This is where Marles was instrumental to the outcome, having guided the government through the process both internally and externally with his US and UK counterparts.
He is right in his acknowledgement that the geopolitical significance of the new tripartite defence pact, the transformation of Australia’s own projection of regional power and the reshaping of the nation’s defence architecture can’t be overstated.
Equally the Defence Minister’s role in buttressing Albanese’s ability to keep faith with the mission should not be underestimated.
The fact this has not caused a ripple in the fabric of Labor unity on the issue says two things. China has changed the equation, even for the left.
It also represents a modernised values-based appeal that enables a pragmatic delivery of outcomes, even if some within Labor remain squeamish.
There is no question Albanese has done well on the world stage, projecting strength and relevance.
Marles, at the same time, has been the steward of what has been one of the most complex but game-changing alliances forged in more than 70 years.
This signals an evolution in Labor leadership. Albanese maintaining authority over his caucus, with Marles massaging the concerns.
As John Howard did with the Liberal Party, Albanese has allowed the party to run while still maintaining control, often shifting people into positions they never would have contemplated.
What he and Marles have delivered is without post-war precedent for Labor, both in its scope but also when considering the degree of perceived internal difficulty.
Those in the left who may once have been considered hostile are now deeply entrenched – witness left powerbroker Pat Conroy as Defence Industry Minister.
Albanese has also manoeuvred Labor deep into Coalition territory on defence, challenging the notion of Coalition brand advantage without any discomfort while washing away the stain of Labor’s last term in office when its credibility on defence and national security was gravely damaged.
The broader domestic political dividends, however, are mixed.
There is rarely any political prize for a government doing what voters think it ought to be doing – keeping the country safe.
Albanese, however, is cleverly weaving the nuclear submarine deal and questions of manufacturing sovereignty into a broader Labor nation-building narrative, in the same vein as Chifley’s first Australian-built FX Holden.
Not that Albanese will be around to oversee the first Australian-made submarine roll out of the Adelaide shipyards.
AUKUS will now be an enduring and unshakable bipartisan policy, a rarity in modern Australian politics, which will be inherited by future Labor governments as well as Coalition ones, each delivering on various milestones.
The test for Albanese now lies with his ability to sell the announcement domestically considering the eye-watering cost of $368bn. At a time of uncertainty and cost-of-living pressures, this won’t be easy to reconcile among those who have been forced into household austerity.
The opposition, while offering bipartisan support to a policy of its own design, will be arguing that the cost of the program can’t be used as an excuse to raise taxes.
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