John Woodman fights to take target off his IBAC

For three years, John Woodman has been a wanted man, the target of a marathon – and increasingly controversial – investigation by Victoria’s IBAC.

Businessman and property consultant John Woodman. Picture: Aaron Francis

For a man dubbed a “Ferrari-­driving millionaire”, John Woodman is pretty happy riding a bike these days.

Sitting in a South Melbourne cafe, dressed in Lycra, he could be any fit, older cyclist enjoying a ­coffee. But he’s not.

For three years, Woodman has been a wanted man, the target of a marathon – and increasingly controversial – investigation by Victoria’s Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission.

“So much for a Ferrari-driving millionaire,” he quipped to The Australian, wheeling his bike down Clarendon St.

“I reckon I spend more time on a bike now, an hour every day.”

For six days in a row, in ­November 2019, Woodman was hammered in public hearings as IBAC set out its case against him and several Casey councillors, including former mayors Sam Aziz and Amanda Stapledon, over allegedly corrupt land deals.

IBAC’s narrative cast Woodman as the “common connection” in a web of dodgy land deals and planning decisions involving the councillors. Through suspect and complex financial arrangements, IBAC asserted, Woodman funnelled $1.2m to some councillors, including Aziz, and established “considerable access to certain councillors and what might be seen as unusual input and influence over decisions in which those councillors are involved”.

Evidence, IBAC stated, strongly supported “the notion that certain councillors have benefited in various ways, including financially, from Mr Woodman” and councillors “were expected to and did line up votes in favour of his interests”.

Aside from his testimony in the IBAC witness stand, Woodman has stayed silent, but the 69-year-old has decided its time to speak up and take the fight to IBAC, a decision he says is motivated by ­battling for justice for his friend, Stapledon, who took her life in January after receiving a draft IBAC report.

“I had known Amanda for a number of years, and I saw the love she had for that boy,” he said, referring to her disabled adult son, Pete. “She was a loving single parent. For her to take this action shows just how much the IBAC investigation impacted her.

“(Operation) Sandon was intellectual dishonesty. By that I mean IBAC knew its case was built on dishonesty, but still they came after her.”

Woodman is a straight-talking, self-made businessman but he admits to, like many other witnesses in Operation Sandon, battling darkness as his business and life fell apart. “Destroyed my business,” he says. “It went from making a $5m profit every year, to me selling it for $98,000. It’s (the IBAC probe) has cost me $3m in legal fees.

“You would be inhuman if you didn’t have moments of depression over this, but I’m still here, still fighting to clear my name.”

 

Woodman’s name appears 1476 times in IBAC’s draft report and, as previously reported by The Australian, the agency’s draft report focuses heavily on his political donations to both the Liberal and Labor parties.

An Andrews government spokesman said: “It would be inappropriate to comment on matters that may be subject to court proceedings or active investigations.”

The Operation Sandon draft report has concluded the attendance of Woodman and Premier Daniel Andrews at political fundraising events was an example of “privileged access” linked to political donations and part of a broader cash-for-access strategy from the Woodman camp.

“Mr Andrews and Mr Woodman’s attendance at such functions provides another illustration of the opportunities for privileged access at a ministerial level that Mr Woodman and his lobbyists were able to gain,” IBAC’s draft report states. “It reflects the importance of the substantial donations Mr Woodman had made over time.”

IBAC’s draft report concludes Woodman spent years building relationships and “maintained contact” with senior ministers including Treasurer Tim Pallas, Roads Minister Luke Donnellan and Transport Minister Jacinta Allen.

“Through Mr Staindl (Labor lobbyist and Woodman associate) and Progressive Business (Labor’s fundraising arm), Mr Woodman obtained access to the Premier, Deputy Premier, Treasurer, ­Attorney-General, Minister for Roads and Minister for Education. Each held portfolios relevant to planning decisions,” IBAC says.

During his private examination before Operation Sandon, the Victorian Premier was grilled on whether he had been given Woodman’s mobile number.

“Initially, Mr Andrews accepted that Mr Staindl may have provided him with Mr Woodman’s phone number, but when it was later suggested that this may have indicated that he wished to apologise to Mr Woodman, he said it was unlikely that he requested or was given Mr Woodman’s number,” IBAC concludes in the draft report.

Andrews was also questioned on whether he had any personal involvement in his government’s decision to reject a rezoning proposal known as C219 being pushed by Woodman in the wake of critical articles in The Age.

“He (Andrews) said whilst it was not his practice to instruct the Planning Minister as to how to administer his portfolio, he was uncertain as to whether he may have given some instruction in light of The Age article (that) it would be an inappropriate time for a decision to be made on C219,” IBAC says. IBAC’s draft report states Woodman developed a “strategy of developing relationships with and briefing senior state politicians, while seeking to create a sense of obligation through significant donations and fundraising”.

IBAC estimates between 2010 and 2019, Woodman donated $969,000 to Labor and Liberal.

“It was much more than that,” Woodman tells The Australian, shrugging his shoulders.

He is genuinely perplexed by IBAC’s decision to investigate his political donations, saying such fin­ancial contributions are standard in Australian politics. He estimated in the previous 25 years he had attended more than 250 political fundraisers.

“Political parties sell access as a means of creating wealth to be then used to get themselves elected,” he said. “It’s the business of politics. It happens throughout the world, not just in Australia.

“It does not guarantee anything. It just gives you an opportunity to meet people and even then there is no guarantee; look at C219,” he said.

“It’s just standard business. All sides do it; all sides sell access. I have been supporting political parties since 1994. You end up supporting both sides.”