Scott Morrison is using the COVID-19 crisis to achieve a permanent change in the Australian federation and executive decision-making.
These governance changes are ambitious and unprecedented in their scope. They invite the pivotal question: will they work?
For the Prime Minister they constitute an effort to secure economic recovery, improve the federation and entrench the marginalisation of federal Labor. Quite a trio.
Morrison is accumulating more power but engaging in more power-sharing. It is a project in political influence and executive authority.
The premiers have signed up. They have plenty to gain. They are becoming national figures, joining Morrison in helping to guide the country in its recovery phase.
At the same time Morrison has launched his new consensus-style industrial relations model involving the ACTU and business lobbies. His aim is to rewrite the Liberal rule book on IR policy. Morrison, in effect, is saying to business and unions: go ahead, make your case.
He doesn’t know how successful these institutional changes will be. Nobody knows. They are bold and experimental. But Morrison grasps the core meaning of the COVID crisis — things must change — policies, structures and culture.
The intriguing question becomes: can Australia function with two national cabinets? We have never been here before. We have the new “PM and premiers” Lib-Lab national cabinet meeting monthly post-crisis to drive reforms and improve the federation, and we have, of course, the Morrison cabinet that everyone assumed was running the country.
Two cabinets with different personnel, different politics, but the same chair — Morrison.
But tensions between the two cabinets must inevitably arise. Morrison aspires to set the policy agenda but create a framework for better co-operation and governmental unity.
The federation has been a flawed governance endeavour for far too long.
There is nothing to be lost by creating the national cabinet.
Much of its success so far, as Morrison knows, is because of the personal vibes (they seem to get on well), the mission to fight COVID-19 and the balance involved — each premier retains autonomy.
The national cabinet will drive a series of ministerial subcommittees in areas including skills, health, energy and regional policy. The committee of treasurers will emerge with far more authority raising hopes of federal-state financial reform.
There is one certainty — not everything will go to plan.
Labor’s resentment will double down. Meanwhile Morrison’s critics can take solace by renewing their campaign that he is nothing more than a cheap marketing man.