Chinese fighter’s indefensible action is full of hypocrisy

A Chinese J-16 jet fighter dumps flares. Picture: Supplied

The interception by a Chinese J-16 fighter aircraft of an Australian surveillance plane in the South China Sea was aggressive, reckless, dangerous, irresponsible, gratuitous and illegal. In other words, it was a typical act of Beijing policy in the Indo-Pacific.

It gives the lie to the so-called charm offensive being waged by China’s ambassador in Canberra.

It also helps explain the unmistakeable urgency of the Albanese government’s regional diplomatic agenda, in the South Pacific and in Southeast Asia.

Actions like this are part of the reason the Prime Minister went to Tokyo 48 hours after being sworn in, has sent his Foreign Minister, Penny Wong, already on several trips to the South Pacific, and is now leading a large ministerial and business delegation to Indonesia for annual leaders’ talks with Indonesia’s President, Joko Widodo.

Defence Minister Richard Marles was right to publicise the incident, which took place on May 26; to protest strongly to the Chinese about it; and most assuredly to declare that Australia is “not going to be deterred” from undertaking maritime surveillance in the South China Sea.

Beijing’s position is indefensible in international law and full of hypocrisy.

A RAAF P-8A Poseidon aircraft.

Australia, like most nations, does not recognise the sovereignty or legitimacy of Beijing’s rule over islands in the South China Sea it has taken by force or simply constructed. This was also the ruling of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2016, which Beijing refuses to recognise.

Nonetheless, in the ship transits and air surveillance that Australian navy and air force assets undertake in the South China Sea, they do not breach the 12 nautical mile territorial waters zone that applies to any nation’s territory.

US assets do occasionally breach the 12 nautical miles to underscore their nonrecognition of Beijing’s sovereignty.

Illustration: Johannes Leak

Beyond the 12 nautical miles, there can be absolutely no dispute that Australia is operating legally in international waters or inter­national air space.

Thus, while the then Morrison government was unhappy that a Chinese spy ship sailed close to the coast of Western Australia, Canberra did not suggest Beijing was behaving illegally. Nor did it send out Australian war ships to cut off and threaten to ram the Chinese vessel, be the equivalent of Beijing’s action against the Australian P8 maritime surveillance aircraft.

The nature of the Chinese intercept was particularly dangerous. By flying so close to the Australian plane, firing flares and then taking up a position directly in front of the P8 before releasing chaff, the Chinese air force showed itself indifferent to issues of safety.

Beijing’s aircraft and ships have been behaving aggressively in territory around Taiwan and around Japanese islands which are claimed by China, for some years. The US air force and navy has been frequently surprised by how dangerous and irresponsible Chinese military stunts directed at US assets have often been.

Beijing’s intentions appear to be to exercise intimidation, to raise the level or risk and cost for other nations operating in areas where Beijing wants to assert control, and to show its intent is decisive, ruthless and expanding.

Chinese vessels are seen last year anchored at the Whitsun Reef, about 320 kilometres west of Bataraza in Palawan in the South China Sea. Picture: Maxar Technologies

The incident once more demonstrates the parlous weakness of Australian conventional defence capabilities and the urgent need to produce serious fire power and asymmetric capability within the next few years.

It is also good this incident has become public before the Australian delegation reaches Indonesia. In recent years, Jakarta has been increasingly unhappy with Chinese assertiveness over the disputed Natuna Islands.

Nonetheless, Indonesia craves Chinese money and tries to run a non-confrontational if not enigmatic foreign policy. Given its size and location, few nations are more important to us than Indonesia. And given the natural leadership, if not dominance, by Jakarta of ASEAN, it is also a critical player in the regional response to Beijing’s multi-factor aggressiveness.

There is no better way Albanese could be spending his time now than in leadership dialogue in Indonesia. In their less declarative way, they are just as concerned about China as we are.