This was published 8 months ago
Opinion
Two years on, Ukraine’s moral courage shames fickle West
Mick Ryan
Military leader and strategistIn the past week, the long and brutal battle of Avdiivka reached a crescendo, with the Russian Army forcing the withdrawal of Ukrainian units. After the Ukrainians secured the city in 2014, Russian forces significantly expanded their attacks in late 2023, and have inexorably enveloped the city while pounding its buildings and defenders into bloody ruin.
As we reach the two-year mark of Putin’s war against his sovereign, democratic neighbour, Russia’s “capture by destruction” of Avdiivka is a metaphor for its approach to this war. As it became clear that Russia’s 10-day plan to politically subdue Kyiv and its government had failed, Russia decided that it would rather destroy Ukraine than allow it to exist as an example of self-determination and sovereign resilience for Russian citizens.
The revelations of the widespread Russian torture and murder of Ukrainian civilians in Bucha was horrifying. They included the discovery of standardised detention and torture centres in multiple locations formerly occupied by the Russians. They indicated that Russia had adopted institutionalised rape, torture, kidnapping and murder to subdue Ukrainian citizens in Russian-occupied territory. Ukrainian prisoners of war have been routinely starved, beaten, castrated and murdered.
The millions of Ukrainians who remained outside lands captured by Russia were not free of its strategic and political campaign to cower them into a political accommodation and acceptance of Russian suzerainty. Thousands of Russian missiles, drones and ballistic rockets have been launched at civilian infrastructure such as power plants, shopping malls, schools and hospitals. Putin thereby hopes to demonstrate that Ukraine’s government cannot defend its people, and that eventually, the only possible outcome in this war is a Russian victory.
Ukrainians, and citizens across much of the world, were given heart by the stout and courageous resistance of Ukrainian military personnel (supported by local citizens) in the country’s north. Bolstered by the strategic influence of President Volodymyr Zelensky and his speeches to global parliaments, multinational institutions and social media, the Ukrainians demonstrated that most central aspect of sustaining the life and prosperity of any sovereign nation: will.
It was Prussian theorist Carl von Clausewitz who codified the importance of will in the competition of nations and the clash of military forces. One of his most important passages states: “War is an act of violence intended to compel our opponent to fulfil our will.” The Ukrainians, in the early days of the war and every day since, have demonstrated an intense and determined will to resist Putin’s cruel violations of their nation.
But, as vital as this national will has been, it is insufficient. In modern wars, nations must mobilise their production, their people and ideas to solve problems presented by new technologies.
The conflict is now a war of industrial production. After the war in the north, large-scale use of Russian firepower in the mid-2022 eastern campaigns indicated that mass use of ground forces and artillery had returned after an absence of decades. The Russians recognised this early. Putin’s partial mobilisation declaration in September 2022 included increasing defence production.
Europe and the United States have been slower to learn and adapt in this regard. Political elites took much too long to recognise that the security environment in Europe had changed drastically.
Production is increasing, slowly, but shortfalls are having a deleterious impact on Ukrainian battlefield operations. At the same time, defence production in Russia, Iran, North Korea and China is overwhelming that of the West, resulting in a 21st century “arsenal of authoritarians”.
The conflict is also a competition to mobilise, train and employ national populations for the war effort. While Ukraine was initially quick to expand its military to 1 million people and enlist its tech community and the global hacktivist community, Russian efforts to mobilise its populations have since overtaken these efforts.
Using “disposable” elements of its population such as prisoners, ethnic and regional groups, Russia arrested Ukraine’s progress on the battlefield last year.
The current Russian advantages in people and defence production are such that it holds the strategic initiative in this war. While the Ukrainian president called for a new military strategy when recently appointing General Oleksandr Syrskyi as commander-in chief, it will take time to turn around for the Ukrainians.
Ukraine has faced grim times before. It has survived Soviet-era attempts to destroy the people and culture of the nation before World War II. It has undertaken two revolutions to protect and expand democracy, transparency and accountability. And, lest we forget, two years ago, we watched in shock and horror at the potential extinguishment of Ukraine by the large Russian invasion force.
The Ukrainian people have seen off these threats. They have demonstrated the resilience, creativity, courage and sacrifice inherent in a mature, sovereign polity. But, most crucially, the people of Ukraine have demonstrated will. It is the kind of will that many Western nations, with their short attention spans and avoidance of personal and political risk, appear to have in short supply.
As we recognise two years of sacrifice by the Ukrainian people, we must also look to them as an example of moral courage for our politicians and citizens to heed.
Mick Ryan is a retired major general who served in the ADF for more than 35 years and was commander of the Australia Defence College. He is the author of War Transformed and an adjunct fellow at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC.
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