Huge global pushback against China shows support for Taiwan

China has hardened its stance which instead of seeing countries cower in fear, has led nations to unite and defy orders.

2021 wasn’t a great year for Beijing. Criticism of its repression of the Uighur people increased. International support for Taiwan rose. Its assertions of ownership over the East and South China Seas met growing resistance.

In short, the world has become increasingly fed-up with Beijing being so blatantly bellicose.

A Lowy Institute “Views of China” poll showed generally high regard internationally for the Chinese people. But global opinions of Chairman Xi Jinping’s Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government fell to the lowest point since Taipei lost its seat at the UN to Beijing in 1971.

And that’s being reflected in the actions of many nation-states. Especially when they’re democracies.

Canada and the United Kingdom openly defied Beijing’s demands by sending warships through the contested Taiwan Strait. Germany, Denmark joined Australia and Japan in sending military vessels to assert international access to the South China Sea.

US and Australian Navy ships in the South China Sea in April 2020. Picture: U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Nicholas Huynh/Released.

Similarly, a growing number of nations have been willing to speak out for peace and stability in Southeast Asia.

So what has prompted such an increased willingness to anger Beijing? Why are more and more governments and organisations willing to challenge its loudly proclaimed “red line” around Taiwan?

International affairs analysts point their fingers at China’s actions in Hong Kong. These speak louder than even the words of a “wolf warrior”.

Assertive assimilation

“One China, two systems” has been Beijing’s all-embracing slogan regarding its attitude towards Hong Kong and Taiwan.

Hong Kong, long an outpost of the British Empire, was handed back to China in 1997. The agreement was that its democratic system would have 50-years of grace before being fully assimilated by Beijing.

That all went out the window on June 30, 2020.

Hong Kong’s open and democratic system was proving too much of an embarrassment.

So the Chinese government clamped down. Hard.

Beijing imposed a strict National Security Law on the island state. Civil rights, including freedom of expression, association and assembly, were overturned. All public servants must vow allegiance to the CCP on pain of sacking. Only CCP-approved “patriots” are allowed to run for the local government. And even peaceful protest is being punished with years behind bars.

Police move people on as they gathered in the Causeway Bay district of Hong Kong on June 4, 2021, after police closed the venue where Hong Kong people traditionally gather annually to mourn the victims of China's Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. Picture: ISAAC LAWRENCE / AFP.

The full extent of Beijing’s willingness to crush opposing voices in the city became evident as early as January. More than 50 pro-democracy activists and politicians were arrested for “subversion”.

Since then, the Communist Party has indicated it plans “judicial reforms” to replace the independent and open system with China’s appointed model. Books have been banned. Websites blocked. Media is censored. Education must toe the political line.

Little wonder then that the promise of “one China, two systems” suddenly doesn’t seem all that attractive to democratic Taiwan.

“I think people in Taiwan, in order to consider such a proposal, would want to know a lot of detail,” says former US Consul General for Taiwan Kurt Tong. “And their observations on that detail will be very much informed by what they’ve seen happening in Hong Kong.”

Winds of change

“In a move likely to anger Beijing” became a meaningless phrase in 2021, argues Taipei-based China analyst Christ Horton.

“Where the word Beijing once conjured the image of a confident, rising power, today it represents a frowning, finger-pointing, never-erring crank – its constant stream of vitriol diminishing the effectiveness of Chinese anger,” he writes. “After all, if most moves are likely to anger Beijing, why hold back from any of them?”

The European Union spoke out against Beijing’s repressive policies in Hong Kong and Xinjiang. Beijing’s backlash was to sanction EU organisations and members of parliament. In return, the EU suspend talks over a new investment agreement.

European states, especially Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, have defiantly begun enhancing ties with Taiwan.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying noted that Western politicians are boycotting an event they were not invited to, saying “one can’t decline an invitation without first receiving one.” #CGTNAmericapic.twitter.com/QiXgXUFaTi

— CGTN (@CGTNOfficial) December 8, 2021

Japan has abandoned its policy of “ambiguity” towards its former colony. In July, its latest Defence White Paper declared Taiwan a “national security interest”.

The Philippines, despite its pro-Beijing president, has adopted a much harder line against China’s land grab in its UN-defined Spratly Island economic exclusion zone. That’s resulted in stand-offs with China’s coast guard and fishing militia.

Now nations have begun withdrawing their officials from attending the Chinese Winter Olympics in protest of its behaviour.

That puts Australia in sound – and broad – company as a pariah state to the CCP.

“China’s fiercely hierarchical worldview — its leaders believe that the world should accept a Sino-centric order organised around brute power — will likely continue backfiring,” argues Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Southeast Asia analyst Charles Dunst.

“Cold War-era US failures teach us that money alone cannot buy victory … Until Xi and others in Beijing think otherwise, an ugly stereotype of Chinese abroad will persist, muddying the waters and perhaps dragging down China’s global ambitions to a point of no return.”

Democracy summit

“In a move likely to anger Beijing …” Taiwan was invited to the United States’ Summit for Democracy. Held between December 9 and 11, it represents a pushback by President Joe Biden against growing global authoritarianism.

Only 15 countries or territories currently recognise Taiwan. That includes using its name for itself – the Republic of China. The United States isn’t one of them. Nor is Australia.

Flags of nations that recognise Taiwan in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs building in Taipei. Picture: Sam Yeh / AFP.

“Although the US and many of its allies and partners show no sign that they will recognise the island anytime soon, they have demonstrated a new willingness in the last year to make statements in international forums supporting Taiwan’s democracy,” notes the International Institute for Strategic Studies (ISS).

“(Some have) subtly upgraded their diplomatic ties with Taipei. Some have also increased their naval presence in the waters around the island.”

Taiwan may not be an independent nation. But it is a young democracy.

And that was an unambiguous decider for President Biden.

And that angered Beijing.

Independent minded

China has joined with Russia to accuse the United States of splitting the world into power blocs. It insists Washington has no right to judge any other country’s system of government. Nor its internal policies. Instead, Beijing declares, governance should only be judged by the ends – not the means. And that end is whether or not it “brings about economic development, social stability and progress, and better lives for the people.”

At the crux of the argument is who gets to decide.

After three decades of the ructious freedom of democracy, a “one China, two systems” model similar to that inflicted upon Hong Kong has little appeal to the Taiwanese public.

“One result of Taiwan’s democratic transition was that the island’s public would have a say in whether to accept any agreement that might be negotiated between leaders in Beijing and leaders in Taipei,” the Brookings Institution notes.

The CCP fears a democratic Taiwan will lead to independence. And that’s a ‘red line’, even though the island has never surrendered to its administration.

But Taiwan’s public is in no greater mind to anger Beijing than surrendering to it.

“Neither independence nor unification has much appeal with voters,” Brookings concludes.

Jamie Seidel is a freelance writer | @JamieSeidel