James Campbell: Gladys Liu is only part of Australia’s China dilemma
Gladys Liu and her faulty memory only serve to remind us that Chinese influence in Australia is deep and complicated, writes James Campbell.
James Campbell
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Gladys Liu’s misfortune is that she was elected to the Australian parliament in 2019. Had the first Chinese-born — her phrase — MP entered parliament at any other federal election since she became an Australian citizen, she would not be in the position in which she finds herself.
For most of the past 30 years, or at least since the memories of Tiananmen Square began to fade, the China rising story was regarded as a Good Thing which was making us rich.
The change from acclamation to apprehension has been swift and surprised those of us worried about the ease with which the Chinese government and its little helpers were taking over Chinese community organisations in this country. It was only in March 2017 that the Turnbull government was attempting to ratify the long-dormant extradition treaty with the People’s Republic only months after it agreed to share information from AUSTRAC with its Chinese counterpart.
Since then, among other things, parliament has passed legislation to curb foreign interference, we learned of Chinese penetration of parliamentary computer systems, the career of Sam Dastyari ended after he was caught warning a major donor his phone was “off” and there have been allegations about iffy money and Crown.
Most importantly, the events unfolding in Hong Kong have made it clear what sort of a regime we are dealing with. Before this happened, it is hard to imagine there would have been much fuss about the newly elected MP’s membership of organisations under the control of the Chinese Communist Party.
Not that Liu has helped herself. When asked by the Herald Sun on Tuesday about the ABC report that she had been a member of the Guangdong provincial chapter of the China Overseas Exchange Association between 2003 and 2015 and council member of the association’s Shandong provincial chapter, she said: “I have no relationship with any of the individuals or organisations”.
Later, she went on Andrew Bolt’s show on Sky News and suffered memory loss when asked about those groups as well as the United Chinese Commerce Association and the Australia Jiangmen General Commercial Association.
Then came the clarifications. Yes, she had been Honorary President of the United Chinese Commerce Association of Australia, although she said her involvement merely supported the promotion of trade between Australia and Hong Kong.
What about the Australian Jiangmen General Commercial Association? Yeah, she’d been in that one too, but no longer. Ditto for the Guangdong Overseas Exchange Association.
Now, all of these groups, it goes without saying, operate at the direction of the Communist Party of China.
Having ’fessed up, Liu then pointed out that her opponent at May’s election was also associated with United Chinese Commerce Association of Australia and the Australian Jiangmen General Commercial Association.
That may be true, but it isn’t clear how it helps her. And it raises questions about how easy it is going to be for our political parties to find candidates of Chinese ethnicity who haven’t got connections to Beijing-controlled groups. Especially as, outside the Falun Gong — and no doubt they’ve got spies there too — there isn’t really a Chinese community organisation that doesn’t have its board stuffed with people approved by Beijing.
Should we care? What is the difference, you might ask, between these groups supporting China’s position on the South China Sea and the constant moaning about the location of the Elgin marbles from every Greek Australian politician ever elected here as well their community organisations? Doesn’t every migrant group come with baggage?
As I have written before, we should care because China is different. Greece is not a strategic rival of the United States, our principal ally and protector. Nor is it ruled by a tyrannous clique that believes itself to be on a world historic mission.
To put it simply, we need to treat China differently because of the scale of the ambitions of its rulers.
As for the Liberal Party, what should it do now? So far, the government’s response has been to say there is essentially nothing to see here. Liu didn’t explicitly contradict the government’s line on the South China Sea and has since backed it in. Suggestions that this is analogous to Dastyari are being met with furious denials. It makes sense, I suppose.
The damage has already been done, not least to the reputation of the Victorian Division’s ability to vet its candidates. And it isn’t as though after this week Liu is going to be in a position to influence anyone in the government on Chinese matters.
What we ought to be worried about is not Liu but the successors Beijing will be even now quietly grooming in our universities.
James Campbell is national politics editor.
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